Igbo Position at the Conference

SOUTH EAST/IGBO POSITION FOR

THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE

April 7, 2014

Dear Delegates,

THE SOUTH EAST IGBO POSITION
OUR SUBMISSION

Please find, in the preceding pages, Our Final Submission to the National Conference Committee. The Secretariat worked tirelessly, to harmonize the many views, opinions and submissions made by patriotic delegates, Igbo groups and individuals. Despite the unforeseen handicaps we encountered in the preparation of this document, ranging from, limited availability of scholarly materials, to time constraint and finance; we utilized all techniques within our reach to accommodate the views of almost all members, individuals and groups and covered as may areas that will present the position of the South East and Ndi Igbo in such passionate, compelling and strong manner to Nigeria and the World.

As this is a continuing process, we call on members to continue to liaise with our Secretariat, with a view to furnishing us with new information and ideas, that will further equip us with tools to serve you better at this Conference and beyond.

Thank you for your patriotism, service to Igbo land and Nigeria.

Yours very truly,

Ambassador (Prof) George Obiozor Dr. Okey Anueyiagu
Coordinator Lead Consultant

April 7, 2014

Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi, GCON
The Chairman,
The National Conference,
Abuja.

Mr. Chairman,

THE SOUTH EAST/IGBO POSITION TO THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE

It is with great pleasure that I submit on behalf of the South East Delegates to the National Conference, the South East Position, on the Terms of Reference as stipulated by the Conference, and on the various issues of grave, critical and significant national importance.

Mr. Chairman, please allow me to commend you and your team, for the way and manner you have conducted yourselves, on the difficult tasks of the deliberations at this Conference.

The South East Position, as submitted herewith, is a compendium of the views, opinions and aspirations of the people of the South East in particular, and Ndi Igbo in general. After thorough and painstaking deliberations, debates and consultations, we have enumerated the many problems that have plagued and burdened our people, and our dear country, Nigeria, for over a long period of time, and consequently, have sought meaningful and forward looking solutions in our collective effort in the search for a truly federal constitution.

It is my ardent hope that the recommendations herein submitted, when adopted and implemented, will result in ushering a new and stable country, with harmonious relationship between the component units of our Federation.

Thank you.

Yours sincerely,

Senator (General) Ike Nwachukwu, GCMG, CFR, COM, mni, fniia
Chairman

South East Delegates

 

THE NIGERIAN NATIONAL CONFERENCE

THE SOUTH EAST IGBO POSITION

TABLE OF CONTENTS

COVER PAGE i
COVER LETTER 1
THE PLEDGE 2
THE PREAMBLE 2
IGBO IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 2
THE IGBO DILEMMA IN NIGERIA 4
THE PLACE OF THE IGBO IN NIGERIA POLITICS AND THE ECONOMY 5
THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE AND NDIGBO 7
STRUCTURE OF THE NIGERIAN STATE 8
POLITICAL RESTRUCTURING OF THE COUNTRY 8
DIVISION OF LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE POWERS 8
DIVISION OF FINANCIAL RESOURCES – FISCAL FEDERATION 9
RELIGION AND THE POSITION OF THE NIGERIAN STATE IN RELATION TO 10
POLITICAL RESTRUCTURING OF THE COUNTRY 14
FORMS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE 15
GOOD GOVERNANCE 16
JUDICATURE 18
DEMOCRATIZATION 20
POLITICAL PARTIES, GOD-FATHERISM AND THE CHALLENGES OF INTERNAL 
DEMOCRACY 21
NATIONAL SECURITY AND SECURITY CHALLENGES 21
STATE CREATION AND MERGER OF STATES 22
EDUCATION 22
HEALTH 23
SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT 23
RESTORING THE NATIONAL ETHICS, MORAL AND CORE VALUES 24
RELIGION, SECULARISM AND THE SECULARITY OF THE NIGERIAN STATE 24
AGRICULTURE, FOOD SECURITY AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT 25
THE ENVIRONMENT 25
DEFENCE 25
TENURE OF PUBLIC OFFICIAL: PRESIDENT, GOVERNORS, ETC. 26
THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC AND 
THE CHALLENGES OF CONDUCTING FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS 27
POPULATION AND CREDIBLE NATIONAL CENSUS 27
LAND USE ACT 27
ROLE OF TRADITIONAL RULERS AND INSTITUTION IN GOVERNANCE AT 
NATIONAL AND LOCAL LEVELS 27
THE ECONOMY 28
OIL AND OTHER MINERAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT, EXPLORATION AND 
SHARING MECHANISM 28
REVENUE GENERATION AND MOBILIZATION 29
NATIONAL YOUTH SERVICE CORPS (NYSC) 29
GENDER ISSUES 29
YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND DEVELOPMENT ISSUES 30
PHYSICALLY CHALLENGED PERSONS 30
INVESTMENT IN SPORTS 30
BOUNDARY ADJUSTMENT 30
NATIONAL INLAND WATERWAYS ISSUES 30
ELECTIVE MAYORALTY ADMINISTRATIVE/LEGISLATIVE STRUCTURES FOR FCT, ABUJA 31
SPECIAL STATUS FOR LAGOS 31
UNSETTLED ISSUES OF THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR (1967 – 1970) 31
REVISING BAKASSI 31
LANGUAGE AND LANGUAGE POLICY 32
PENSION MATTERS AND RIGHT OF SENIOR CITIZENS 32
FEDERAL CHARACTER 32
CRITICAL ISSUES 33
CONCLUSION 39
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 40

The National Conference

SOUTH EAST/IGBO POSITION
FOR
THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE

THE PLEDGE

I hereby, God Helping me, pledge to seek a Total Emancipation of the Igbo from the shackles of Marginalization, Discrimination and Tyranny, and with all my Might and Strength, to carry out all duties required to protect the interests of the Igbo, and to protect our right of life and liberty, within one Nigeria.

THE PREAMBLE

Ndi Igbo have suffered excruciating pain and agony in our land, Nigeria. The Nigerian political landscape since the end of the civil war is skewed in irrational arrangements that are deliberately designed to constrain and stunt the political and economic development of Ndi Igbo. It is even proven that there have been grand alliances of enemies of the Igbo penetrating the hearts of our people in order to cause disunity with a divide and rule mentality.

The South East Igbo position paper is to serve as a provocative document that will showcase the many sufferings and deprivations the Igbo have endured in Nigeria, and as a search light for a solution to all the problems confronting Ndi Igbo, and all other nationalities in our collective effort in the search for a truly federal constitution for our country, Nigeria.

IGBO IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE:

There is evidence that the Igbos have been in their present location in South East Nigeria for the last 5000 years. It is evident that, the Igbo culture bears the imprint of the forest location where the culture developed, for example, in the rugged individualism, which is emblematic of the people. As the Igboukwu bronzes attest by 968 A. D, the culture had blossomed into a sophisticated civilization whose genius is underscored by the fact that the quality of the Igboukwu bronzes clearly better than the life bronzes that come along 500 years later.
It has been suggested that there is a 500-year hiatus or gap in the tapestry of Igbo history; this it has been speculated could have arisen as a result of an epidemic rather than war. The recovery of the civilization had just started when the depredations of the slave trade was visited on the people and with it the colonial interregnum. History teaches that unlike the situation in other parts of Nigeria and West African, the occupation of Igbo land was a protracted and piecemeal affair, which was achieved literally village by village as a result of the decentralized political organization of the people.

While this must account for the republican temper of the people, it has also bred a short-term perspective in the people’s appreciation of their history which can often be mistaken for a lack of the sense of history. What is more, it does explain to some extent, the misunderstanding and underrating of the achievements of the culture by the colonial authorities. The important point to note is that the history, politics and culture of the Igbo bear the imprint of their ancient origin, of their adaptation over the centuries to their environment and of their salient difference from their latter day compatriots, the Yoruba and the Hausas. When the Igbo man attempts, often unsuccessfully, to imitate the political and cultural usages of these latter day compatriots, he does a grave injustice to himself and to his roots. The justly recognized, feared even if resented industry, drive and intelligence of the Igbos are the consequences of their successful adaptation and acculturation to their forest environment. “Man know thyself” is an advice that the Igbo can use with great benefit and which should breed in them a degree of circumspection, caution and discretion in the adoption of foreign modes and usages rather than the loud and often ostentations mien that we present to the outsider. It should breed in us a resilience of spirit and an inward looking and proud affirmation of who we are rather than the self-deprecating and whining disposition that seems to have overtaken us and particularly the younger generation. For it must be stated with some pride that the zest with which our people embraced western education and which enabled them in thirty short years (1934 – 1964|) to overtake and some may say to “dominate” the social, political and economic landscape of modern Nigeria was unprecedented. Indeed, the exploits of the scientists and professionals in the Biafran war and after were in itself a worthy testament of the genius and resilient spirit of our people. No other African group in modern times have shown as much pluck and serendipity. There is, therefore, a lot to be proud of.

THE IGBO DILEMMA IN NIGERIA

There is an inherent paradox and contradiction in the Igbo man’s place in Nigeria. On the one hand given his industry, his intelligence and his enterprise, the Igbo man is a desirable gift to Nigeria and the stuff of which great nations great civilizations can be built. On the other hand, given his presumptive confidence in his abilities and his unabashed hunger to succeed at whatever cost, he engenders fear and unwelcome visibility amongst his compatriots. His lack of subtlety, his drive to overcome and his insatiable “greed” for material progress engenders resentment and often inexplicable, and perhaps, undeserved hostility in the host communities. His “loud” style of life and the facility with which he can adapt to and adopt new ways can also be unsettling to foreign cultural formations that have come in contact with the Igbos including the colonial masters. There is thus an underlying sense of conflict in the Igbo presence in Nigeria.

As had been noted, Igbo society developed in the tropical forests of South Eastern Nigeria. While this honed the individualism and independent spirit of daring, it also engendered an isolationist within which the population increased and prospered in its simplicity and self-satisfied balance in its environment. Colonial interregnum enabled the Igbo to pour out of the Southeastern ramparts to the rest of Nigeria and beyond. The simple ways of life belied the sophistication and ancient origin of the culture. This bred an attitude in those who came into contact with the Igbo that often underrated and even misread or misunderstood the dynamism and effervescence of other character. The prejudices and hostility that has bedeviled the relationship of the Igbos with their other Nigerian compatriots has its roots in this misunderstanding: it can be unsettling to the human psyche to be worsted by those you had underrated and would have preferred to use for your benefit or even ignore. The love-hate basis of such a relationship can create instability unless skillfully managed with wisdom, tolerance and patience. This is Nigeria’s Igbo problem. What is more: patience is at a discount in the Igbo scale of values. Thus, other nationalities in Nigeria despite mutual antagonisms are often united by their common hostility and fear of the ‘upstart” Igbo whole ambivalent and appreciative of the good that can come from the interaction with the Igbo. The challenge that confronts the Igbo man is how to reconcile his drive for that which is good with discretion and a patient tolerance and understanding of other ways. Alas, for the Igbo, there are not half-measures he will adopt for foreign ways, hook line and sinker or he would impatiently display his intolerance of foreign ways. Nigeria and Nigerians would want to use the genius of the Igbos without paying for it. But Nigeria needs the Igbos as the Igbos need Nigeria. What then is the point resolution, the center of balance?

THE PLACE OF THE IGBO IN NIGERIA POLITICS AND THE ECONOMY

Neither the history of politics nor the economy in Nigeria would be complete without mention of the dominant place of the Igbos in the pre-Biafran war Nigeria. As we have had cause to observe elsewhere, the period between 1934 and 1964 in Nigeria history, politics and economy development can justly be called the Igbo epoch. From 1934 which marked the graduation of the first generation of western educated Igbo leaders such as Azikiwe and Mbanefo to 1964, the onset of the Nigerian crisis which was to lead eventually to war, the frenzied pursuit of education was an Igbo rally cry and preoccupation. Many Igbo communities were activated and mobilized to sponsor gifted and brilliant youngsters, without consideration of kinship ties, to overseas universities and later to the only Nigerian institution of university standing then in existence, the university college, Ibadan for further studies.

The result was an avalanche of youthful and well-educated leaders in politics, the economy, journalism, in the professions and the army that Igbo land provided to Nigeria. Such men as Mbonu Ojike, Eni Njoku, Nwapa Emole, Kenneth Dike, Osadebe, Odumegwu Ojukwu, Chukwuma Anueyiagu, Ugochukwu and a host of other worthy Igbos were products of the frenetic onslaught of the Igbos on western education and the western style of economy. The payoff was that in civil service, the universities, the professions and the army, the Igbos were certainly visible, if not dominant despite the head start of two generations that their Yoruba compatriots had on them. Even in the fight for Nigerian independence, the venerable Obafemi Awolowo was a late-comer when compared with the time of entry and impact of Azikiwe, Mbonu Ojike, Alvan Ikoku, etc. All that headroom was lost with the war.

But the war in itself is not a sufficient explanation for the present state of the Igbos in post-war Nigeria. After all, Japan and Germany were also losers in the Second World War who subsequently utilized the adverse circumstances as new opportunities to recognize their affairs and their approach to their relationships. Indeed, some have suggested that the adverse circumstances of the Igbo post-war was made even more precarious by failure of leadership, a lack of strategic thinking and the needful recognition of the necessity to reposition which was lacking. But we would dare to add that certain features of Igbo persona and psyche including our rugged individualism and lack of deference to experience in the latter day Igbo youth have also worked against the rebuilding of that threshold level of solidarity and social bonding that predisposes to the pursuit of a common purpose. It has undermined our pursuit of our interests within its historical context. Above all, the apparent inability of the Igbo to recognize the nature of power and influence and how to conserve and utilize them as distinct from temporary positions, offices and ascribed authority with their transient perquisites have made a bad situation worse. It has predisposed us to short-term stratagems rather than long-term strategies. It has predisposed us to the worship of the man of today whether it is in material terms or the assumed power calculus of the Nigeria state. The predictable consequence is the promotion of a short-term culture of opportunities and pursuit of self-centered goals rather than communal and national goals. We often make a fetish of being outspoken but without the capacity for circumspection and reflection. When you add to this the tendency for the facile rationalization of untenable and even contradictory positions we can understand why it has been difficult to rebuild the infrastructure of Igbo values which underpinned our competitive spirit and disposed us in the pre-colonial and even colonial Igbo society towards merit and excellence.

All these taken together may offer some insight into the Igbo predicament in Nigeria. Having lost our position from the commanding heights of Nigerian politics and economy, we have taken to a culture of whimpering and complaining rather than recognizing and re-strategizing. In the effort, we have tended to assume that our salvation will come from outside. This is why Igbo sons and daughters have often been the zealous defenders and mouthpiece or even demonstrated Igbo oppressors and the clandestine manipulators of anti-Igbo positions in the body politics. What is more, we often take advertised public position for granted assuming that what is agreed in the public space will faithfully be pursued in the private domain. But, alas, the real world runs on a different framework where the pursuit of one’s interest is the only constant all other values in politics, the way it is practiced in Nigeria, can be elastic and accommodating of distortions often accompanied by the undignified intrigues that have in recent times been emblematic of the Nigerian political scene.

 

In business, we have been relegated to the role of the side street traders and middlemen, small time contractors and commission agents. Very few, indeed, are part of the high points of Nigerian business in manufacturing, finance, banking or the new areas of telecom or oil and gas. The result is that no jobs are being created in the Igbo heartland and the drive towards unemployment of the youth including the educated youth and the general impoverishment of the general population continues unabated. How do we arrest the slide and how do we redirect, refocus and reposition the economy of the East towards a sustainable basis of wealth creation and eradication of poverty? We can only achieve these goals, by contributing to the restructuring of the constitution and the political arrangement of our country.

 

THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE AND NDIGBO

The Igbo desire a National Conference that will address issues that mitigate stable government and governance, that will adopt an all-encompassing renegotiated terms and conditions on which the diverse ethnic nationalities or groups comprised in Nigeria can live together in peace, security, progress, prosperity, general well-being and unity as one country under a common central government.

We desire a Conference of the ethnic nationalities making up or composing the Nigerian state as the pivot or focal point, in the determination of the political structure under which our nation will exist, in the quest to create a new constitutional and political order that will usher a new beginning and replace the thoroughly discredited and embarrassing existing order.

 

STRUCTURE OF THE NIGERIAN STATE

1. Political Restructuring of the Country

• The country should continue to be a federation, but it must follow the principles of true federalism.
• The existing six (6) geopolitical zones should be established as the federating units.
• All the six federating zones should be treated as equal in status.
• Each federating unit should have its own constitution. The States within the zone should be considered equal in status and retain relatively all the powers they presently enjoy.
• The zonal constitution with that of the federation and is invalidated to the extent of its inconsistency with the federal constitution.
• Local Government: Local Government is the responsibility of the State not of the zone (federating unit) or the federal Government.
  However, Ebonyi State’s position is that the States should remain as the federating units.

 

Division of Legislative and Executive Powers:

a. True Federalism

The cardinal principles of true federation include equality and autonomy of the tiers of government inter se, and mutual non-interference by one tier in the affairs of another tier.

There must be borne in mind in the allocation of powers between the Centre and the federating units.

1. The fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy should be qualified by adequate provision that they are not a grant of power to Government, federal or state, but simply a directive as to what government should try to do for the people, using the more than ample powers granted to it by other provisions of the Constitution.
2. In a true federation the powers of the Central Government should be narrowly circumscribed, and whittled down to issues that affect the entire country, such as Defense (external and Internal),

• Foreign Affairs,
• Immigration,
• Monetary and Fiscal Policy,
• Customs and Excise and
• The setting of standards in other areas.

Consequently, the Exclusive and Concurrent Legislative Lists in the 1999 Constitution have been curtailed, new Lists based on the list in the 1963 Constitution.

b. Division of Financial Resources: Fiscal Federalism

The 1999 Constitution, in section 162(1) established a pool of revenues belonging to all three levels of Government, Federal, State and Local Government, called the Federation Account, “into which shall be paid ALL revenues collected by the Government of the Federation, except the proceeds from the personal income tax of the personnel of the Armed Forces of the Federation, the Nigeria Police Force, the Ministry or Department of Government charged with responsibility for Foreign Affairs and the residents of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja”.

Section 162 of the 1999 Constitution, with its ten sub-sections, is a negation of the principle of fiscal federalism because of the undue preponderance of power vested in the Central Government with respect to the control and sharing of the money in the Federation Account. There are five main respects in which fiscal federalism is negated by this undue preponderance of power given to the Central Government, viz:

1. Custody of the common pool of revenue by the federal government, with the power of physical control and physical disbursement implied by custody.
2. The federal government’s power under section 162(3) to prescribe the terms and manner of sharing the money in the Federation Account among the federal, state and local governments.
3. The federal government’s power to share among the states their own share of the money in the Federation Account under subsection (4), read together with subsection (2).
4. The federal Government’s power under section 162(5) to prescribe the terms and manners of payment from the Federation Account to a state government for the benefit of the local government councils in the state.
5. The provision in section 162(2) provides that “the principle of derivation shall be constantly reflected in any approved formula as being not less than thirteen per cent of the revenue accruing to the Federal Account directly from any natural resources”

Because it is not in accord with the dictates of fiscal federalism, section 162, with its ten subsections, should be omitted from any new Constitution for Nigeria, and be replaced with new provisions that are inconsonance with the principles of fiscal federalism.

The new arrangement to replace that in section 162 of the 1999 Constitution should reflect the principles of fiscal federalism, as follows:

1. The federating units collect revenue accruing from their zone, including revenue from oil and other minerals, and remit to the federal distributable pool, an agreed percentage, 50% is suggested.
2. The Central Government retains 40% of the federally collected revenue and contributes 60% to the pool.
3. The distributable pool is shared between the center and the federating units in an agreed formula. It must be appreciated that with its powers and functions whittled down the Federal Government needs less funds while the federating units are saddled with heavy responsibilities of citizen welfare.

RELIGION AND THE POSITION OF THE NIGERIAN STATE IN RELATION TO IT

What should be the religious form and character of the Nigerian state has been for years one of the gravest issues bedeviling the peace, security, progress and unity of Nigeria. It sets apart, one from the other, the adherents of the Christian and Moslem religions, with eruptions from time to time of violent religious conflicts, such as the one sparked by the adoption of Sharia criminal law by four Northern State Governments as part of their law, with casualty figures ranging from 40 to 100 persons killed, mostly Igbos, in Kaduna State.

What was involved in the Sharia controversy is not the freedom constitutionally guaranteed by section 38 of our Constitution to a Moslem, as well as to other Nigerian citizens, to “manifest and propagate his religion or belief in worship, teaching, practice and observance” “either alone or in community with others, and in public or in private”, which right is not denied or questioned by anyone, but rather the use of the coercive legislative, executive and judicial machinery of Government belonging in common to all citizens of different religions to aid, advance, foster, promote or sponsor one particular religion and to enforce its doctrines, tenets, injunctions and laws in preference to those of other religions.

The matter is now being carried far beyond the reception and enforcement of Sharia criminal law as part of the laws of a State Government. A Moslem fundamentalist sect, calling itself by the name Boko Haram, now wants to convert parts of the North into a Moslem state to be ruled as a theocracy by a Moslem leader claiming to be divinely directed; in pursuance of this design, some 4,000 people, many, if not a majority of them, being Ndi Igbo, have been killed by the sect since 2009.

It might be thought that the wording of section 10 of the 1999 Constitution is clear and unambiguous enough on the matter, though perhaps not as unequivocal as might be wished. It says: “the government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as State Religion”. Interpreting the provision in the United States Constitution, enjoining the state to “make no law respecting the establishment of religion”, the highest court in the country has said that the provision has “a secular reach for more penetration in the conduct of government than merely to forbid an “established church”, and that it implies, additionally, the equality of all religions in relation to the government. Not only must the government not establish or adopt a particular religion as the state religion, it must also treat all religions equally, showing no favoritism or preference of any kind for one against the others by way of special promotion of, or protection for, its institutions, doctrines, observances and laws or any kind of state sponsorship.

Short of formal establishment of a particular religion as the state religion, favoritism or preference exists if a state action is intended to, or does in its practical effect, advance, foster, encourage or inhibit any religion. “The basic purpose”, said the court “is to ensure that no religion be sponsored or favored, none commanded and none inhibited”. Any state action having as its purpose or practical effect the advancement, encouragement or inhibition of any particular religion, while it does not formally establish the favored religion as the state religion, is clearly derogatory of the equality of all religion vis-à-vis the state, as where the injunctions of one religion are enforced through the machinery of the state, this is so even where no coercion is used to achieve the purpose, e.g. where instructions or practices based on the doctrines and observances of a particular religion are given in public schools. The U.S Supreme Court has gone further to lay it down that the constitutional prohibition obliges the state not to get involved at all in religious matters as by providing aid to religion, even on the basis that all religious sects are treated equally.

There is no doubt that in a multi-religious country the maintenance of equality between the different religions and the neutrality of the state in matters of religion is of far greater practical importance than the religious form of the state. The object of the state’s neutrality, said the Court, is to prevent “Government common to all form becoming embroiled, however innocently, in destructive religious conflicts……. we have staked the very existence of our country on the faith that complete separation is best for the state and best for religion”.

We live in an age in which the crusade and the jihad have become anachronistic, an age which demands of the various religions, respect for each other’s belief and doctrines and of the state, total abstinence from using its power and resources to support favor or advance one religion in preference to others.

The power of the President under section 5 of our Constitution to “execute and maintain” the Constitution casts upon him a duty to preserve, protect and defend it against acts of a state government violating the secularity or the religious neutrality of the Nigerian state as constitutionally ordained, since the violation of the character of the state in its religious aspect has the potentiality of endangering the survival of the Constitution and of the nation.

The provision of section 10 of the 1999 Constitution quoted above should be expanded to incorporate the essence of the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court, as noted above. That is the minimum protection needed by Ndi Igbo. Ndi Igbo insist on secularity, defining the position of the Nigerian state in relation to religion, the issue must be trashed out at the National Conference. Secularity of the Nigerian state must be enforced on all who remain in it as part and citizens thereof.

1. POLITICAL RESTRUCTURING OF THE COUNTRY

1. Political Federalism

• We stand on the position that since federalism is a system of government based upon democratic rules and institutions in which the power to govern is shared between National and Zonal/State Governments, individual federating units should have control over their own affairs.
• The country should continue to be a federation; it must follow the principles of true federalism.
• The existing six (6) geopolitical zones should be established as the federating units.
• All the six federating zones should be treated as equal in status
• Each federating unit should have its own constitution. The states within the zones should be considered equal in status and retain relatively all the powers they presently enjoy.
• The constitution of the zone shall not be inconsistent with that of the federation and is invalidated to the extent of its inconsistency with the federal constitution.
• Local Government: Local Government is the responsibility of the state not of the zone (Federating unit) or the federal government.

1. However, Ebonyi State’s position is that the States should remain as the federating units.

 

b. Fiscal Federalism

1. A return to fiscal federalism as contained in the 1963 Constitution.
2. That the actual percentage to be taken by the Federal Government should be determined based on the extent of power devolved to her.
3. That each Zone responsible for the development and management of resources including minerals from the zones.

 

c. Definition of Federating Units: States or Geo-Political Zones

Existing six geo-political zones should be established as the federating unit, all the six federating zone should be treated as equal in status with one constitution and retaining its powers as presently constituted

1. A return to fiscal federalism;
2. That the actual % to be taken by the Federal Government should be determined based on the extent of powers devolved to her;
3. That each Zones shall be responsible for the development and management of resources, including minerals within her territory; and
4. That the principle of derivation shall apply and each zone shall receive agreed percentage of the proceeds from the resources derived from their zone while the balance due the federal government shall be distributed between the Federal Government and the federating units on the basis of agreed proportions.

 

2. FORMS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

a. Presidential System

It shall be the prerogative of the majority party or an alliance of parties forming a majority, to nominate who becomes the President and Prime Minister provided this is done in a way to reflect the Federal Character Principles as will be enshrined in the new people’s constitution. In this modified system, the President or Prime Minister shall be the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. We advocate that the Presidency or the Prime Minister shall rotate among the six geopolitical zones starting from the zone which has produced the position for the least number of years to the zones that has produced the position to the greatest number of years. At the State level, the Governor should rotate among the three senatorial zones and the Chairman of the Local Government should rotate among the cultural groups in the Local Government.

b. Parliamentary System

1. A return to a modified parliamentary system of government similar in many respects to the provision of the 1963 Constitution;
2. That in the modified system, both the Prime Minister and his Ministers shall come from the parliament.
3. Choice between Uni-Cameral or Bi-Camera Legislature

That a unicameral legislature be adopted.

4. Choice between full-time or part-time legislature

Full-time legislature should be continued.

3. GOOD GOVERNANCE

We canvas a system that promotes the principles of good governance which depicts proper participation, equity, the rule of law, transparency and accountability, as well as the effectiveness and efficiency in the delivering of public services. There must be a constitutional/legal framework, and a system of enforcement of laws, the administration of justice, and the promotion of equity, justice and fairness. There can be no viable democracy without relative peace. And relative peace is often assured by good governance. Both are imperative for a durable democratic polity.

1. Cost of Governance

Logically, the South East is of the opinion that the cost of governance is high and must be reduced drastically, in order to conserve funds for development. However, the South East is supporting the parliamentary system and unicameral system of Government

b. Corruption and National Development:

1. iStrong and positive fight against corruption and corruptive tendencies in Nigeria;
2. That all the Institutions charged with the responsibility of fighting corruption should be reformed and strengthened;
3. That the appointment of heads of anti-corruption agencies and the funding should be a first line vote;
4. That all anti-corruption agencies shall be autonomous with powers to directly prosecute offenders;

• That all actions of government that predispose individuals to corruption should be corrected. Adequate salaries, wages and pensions should be paid on time;
• That laws be enacted to hold members of the public for practices such as offering bribes, kick-backs, etc. that are likely to promote corruption among public officials.

c. Fighting Corruption and anti-corruption agencies – ICPC, EFCC;

1. That all heads of anti-corruption agencies e.g. ICPC, EFCC, etc. should have their individual commission established as in the case of police or one umbrella “Anti-corruption Commission”;
2. That all appointments of the heads of anti-corruption agencies should be nominated by the above recommended commissions or the Anti-corruption commission and ratified by the senate;
3. That funding of anti-corruption agencies should be a first line charge;
4. That the anti-corruption agencies should be autonomous and only answerable to the senate;
5. That a new legal regime should be established for the imposition of stiffer penalties on violators of anti-corruption laws and the need for stricter and speedier enforcement of anti-corruption laws;

vi. That a new criminal division of our courts be established to try anti-corruption cases;

1. The committee recommends that plea-bargain should have no place under our anti-corruption laws;
2. That the laws establishing anti-corruption agencies should be entrenched in the Nigerian constitution.

d. Immunity of Political Office Holders

Immunity clause as enshrined in the 1999 Constitution encourages impunity, recklessness and breeds corruption. We therefore recommend the full abrogation of the immunity clause from the Constitution.

e. Citizenship/Indigenes – Settlers Dichotomy:

That all Nigerians born in any part of Nigeria should after five years from the date of birth acquire citizenship rights of the place of birth. Others who have lived up to 10 years in a place during that period shall be entitled to all rights and privileges as if originally from that place.

f. Justifiability of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy:

All the steps currently in place to strengthen and improve an independent, bold, impartial and forward looking judiciary should be vigorously pursued. That the fundamental objectives and states directive principles in Chapter II of the 1999 constitution shall be justiciable. Accordingly, any aggrieved citizen shall have the right to sue the state over matters listed under the fundamental objectives and state directive principle.

 

4. JUDICATURE

The composition of judges in the Federal High Courts, Court of Appeal, and Supreme Court shall reflect the principles of federal character. The States/Zones shall have their respective High Courts and Supreme Courts to hear and determine all matters originating from their respective Zones and which are not within the exclusive legislative list. The Attorneys-General position shall be for a single six-year tenure and he shall be elected by the parliament from among the candidates who personally expressed their intention to hold the position.

a. Fundamental Human Rights:

There shall be truly Federalized courts which shall be responsible for relevant items in the exclusive legislative list.

1. Impunity of Judicial Officers:

Enforcement of existing sanctions while strengthening the laws.

1. Review of Judicial Institution:

There shall be state/zonal high courts and zonal supreme courts for all other relevant items not listed in the exclusive legislative list. Matters of Local Government, State and Zone shall terminate at the Zonal Supreme courts while all federal matters which are listed in the exclusive legislative list terminates at Federal Supreme Court.

d. Sharia & Customary and Other Legal Systems:

i. They (the Courts) should be left but they should not apply to or adjudicate on criminal matters which jurisdiction must be limited to Sharia and Customary Law and practices in the prevalent area;

ii. That, the structure of the hierarchy of court be reviewed so that each of the federating units will have its Court of Appeal and Supreme Court;

iii. The Supreme Court is retained for only issues that merit their attention unlike now when you can appeal to the Supreme Court as of right. In this wise, only matters which are of national importance can be appealed from the supreme court of federating units to the Supreme Court;

iv. The Supreme Court should consist of thirteen (13) Justices. Two justices each from the federating units based on experience, expertise and seniority and the Chief Justice of the Federation;

v. The Court of Appeal should be scaled down to sit at not more than six (6) venues one in each Federating Units, to hear appeals from Federal High Court and National Industrial Court are retained;

vi. A constitutional and Economic Crime Court be established. This court should hear cases on constitutional interpretation, Economic Crimes, Political Matters and Offenses;

vii. Appointment/promotion, discipline and welfare of justices of the Zonal Courts to be handled by zonal governments, while the Federal Government is to handle those of the Federal Courts.

 

e. Delay in the Administration of Justice

Justice delayed is justice denied. Therefore dispensation of justice must be timely and articulated in a manner that timeliness are set for all cases. Genuine democracy is predicated on equality of opportunity for all citizens.

 

5. DEMOCRATIZATION

1. Deepening Democracy:The South East position is that for Democracy to be deepened, the People must have the right to effect changes in government; by having the power to choose, through legitimate mechanisms, who governs them. Moreso, as the electoral process must be transparent, accountable, independent and neutral.
2. De-militarization of National Psyche:Sustenance of democratic principles is being advocated by the South East as a way of liberating the People from the national psyche of long time military rule.
3. Democratic Culture and Orientation:The nation must institutionalize and promote core values and norms aimed at educating the people.

1. Mechanisms for More Inclusive Participatory Democracy:

Broad and inclusive program of political enlightenment is advocated, allowing youths, women and the aged to participate.

 

6. POLITICAL PARTIES, GOD-FATHERISM AND THE CHALLENGES OF INTERNAL DEMOCRACY

• A strong democratic system that allows for one adult person, one vote;
• a multi-party system which shall be allowed to evolve overtime into strong ideologically-based parties;
• An electoral umpire at the Centre and zonal levels which shall be independent of any party or government of the day;
• Funding of electoral bodies to be from the first line votes in both the Centre and the zones;
• Carpet-crossing under any guise to be prohibited.

7. NATIONAL SECURITY AND SECURITY CHALLENGES

a. Security Agencies: Review and re-design of national security apparatus:

• There should be established a two-tier police structure, to wit: ZONAL POLICE whose jurisdiction shall be limited to the geographical areas of the region and national police, which have inter-zonal jurisdiction;
• THE TWO POLICE FORMATIONS VIZ FEDERAL AND ZONAL POLICE FORMATION shall have clearly delineated “JURISDICTIONS RESPONSIBILITIES, MODUS OPERANDI AND INTERPHASE PROTOCOLS” to minimize areas of friction, which emphasizing integrity, efficiency and effectiveness.
• THE NIGERIA (NATIONAL) POLICE shall draw a good portion of its personnel in each zonal command from the zone.

b. Local Policing:

• an effective and efficient Police Force is essential for the development of democracy in Nigeria;
• A two-tier Police structure is proposed, viz: Federal Police – which shall have inter-zonal jurisdiction, and Zonal Police whose jurisdiction shall be limited to the geographical areas of the zone;
• To minimize operational functions, the two police formations – Zonal and Federal – shall have clearly delineated jurisdictions, responsibilities, modus operandi, and inter-phase protocols;
• The Nigeria (Federal) Police shall draw a good portion of its personnel in each zonal command from the zone.

c. Other Security Agencies:

• A federalized Armed Forces shall be structured with zonal equality in the recruitment of officers and men at the entry point;
• The Nigerian Army and Air-Force shall be organized into six (6) zonal divisions;
• For the Nigerian Navy, the composition of their officers and men should reflect a balance between the six component zones.

 

8. STATE CREATION AND MERGER OF STATES

a. That, effort should be geared towards the realization of true federalism with six zones as federating units;

b. That, no attainment of the Zonal status in the present States should be under the zone and such zone shall have power to create more States if they desire.

c. For the equality of the Zones, there shall be forty eight (48) States in the Federal. That is, eight States in each of the Six Zones.

 

9. EDUCATION

a. Investment in Education

More investment in education, allowing private sector participation, especially wholly at the tertiary. Free education and grants to private participation.

b. Decentralization and National Education Policy:

South East supports Decentralization.

c. Return of Missionary and Private Schools to original owners:

South East supports return of schools.

d. Institutionalizing Tsangaya/Almajiri Education System:

South East support Institutionalizing Tsangaya/Almajiri education system

e. Nomadic Education:

Supports Nomadic Education at the local level.

 

10. HEALTH

The following important Health Care areas should be given due attention in Nigeria’s drive for overall development.

1. Health Policy:

Health Policy and National Health Insurance

b. Investment in Health:

Improvement of the National Delivery System.

c. Health Delivery:

A workable and comprehensive social security system should be introduced in Nigeria.

 

11. SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT

a. Science and Technology Education:

Enhancement of Science and Technology Education and the creation of industrial parks and the reviving of Centers of Excellence.

1. Technological Adaptations and the National Economy:

Supports the adoption and adaptation of Science and Technology through the introduction of “reverse engineering” technique, and the use of diaspora assistance, in the advancement development through Science and Technology.

c. Research and Development:

Research and Development must be of institutional priority, and must be made to be functional.

d. Promotion and Improvement of Indigenous Technological Innovation:

Promotion of Indigenous Technological Innovations through patents rights and funding of cultural upliftment.

 

12. RESTORING THE NATIONAL ETHICS, MORAL AND CORE VALUES

The South East advocates a leadership at all tiers of government that is prudent, visionary, godly; that abhors corruption, primitive and vulgar acquisition of wealth, stealing of public funds and all the horrible vices that have made Nigeria a tottering nation, fumbling on the part of growth and development.

We call for the upliftment of the National Ethics, Moral and Core Values through the entrenchment of a strategic national agenda that promotes pride, and rewards hard work by the establishment of volunteer groups and agencies to promote and encourage good citizenship.

13. RELIGION, SECULARISM AND THE SECULARITY OF THE NIGERIAN STATE

There shall be no State Religion in Nigeria and the secularity of the country shall be preserved. Government shall not in any way or manner be involved in Religious matters apart from individual worships.

 

14. AGRICULTURE, FOOD SECURITY AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT

1. Decentralization of National Agricultural Policy:

A strict environmental policy must be instituted and decentralized on issue as detailed. Response Centers and Control networks established. Appropriate and adequate early warning system should be deployed nationally. Response to emergency strengthened.

b. Grazing Reserves and Cattle Routes Demarcation:

Grazing Reserves and Cattle Routes Demarcation shall be well defined for peace and security with host communities.

 

15. THE ENVIRONMENT

5. 1. Environmental Degradation – Flooding, Soil Erosion, Oil Spillage and Desertification

A strict environmental policy must be instituted and decentralized. Response centers and control networks to be established. The erosion and other environmental degradations that have plagued and devastated the South East must be addressed and fixed.

 

1. Climate Change:

South East acknowledges the devastating effects of climate change, and joins the international community’s call for preparations for the consequences of inaction.

 

16. DEFENCE

1. Nigeria’s Defense Policy and Posture at Home and Abroad

i. Nigeria should operate a federalized armed forces.

1. The Nigerian Armed Forces and Multi-lingual Challenges:

i. There must be zonal equality in recruitment of officers and men at the entry points. The Nigeria Armed Forces & Multi-lingual challenges should be adequately met.

c. Nigeria and International Peace-keeping Operation:

i. Nigeria’s International peace-keeping operations must reflect our National Interest.

ii. It must be funded.

iii. The Nigeria army and Air Force must be organized into six zonal divisions

iv. With regards to the Nigeria Navy, it must be ensured that the composition of their officers and men reflect a balance between the six component zones.

v. That, the officers’ corps in each of the army regiment/division be so organized as to ensure that they are from zones other than the host region while majority of the rank and file must be drawn from the host zone.

 

17. TENURE OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS: PRESIDENT, GOVERNORS, ETC.

A single ONE term of SIX years should be adopted to remove the abuse by some incumbents to power at all costs. A single tenure eliminates the crucial and unfair advantage enjoyed by an incumbent with access to vast official facilities including influence over the security agencies which are not available to his or her co-contestant in the conduct of electoral campaigns.

The tenure of the President or Prime Minister shall commence from the date when he was sworn in as President. When vacancy occurs by whatever cause (demise, incapacity on health grounds, impeachment, resignation) the Governor General/Premier from his/her zone shall assume the office of the President of the Federation for the remainder of the term.

Ditto for State within a Zone.

Rotation of the position of Chief Executive at Federal and Zonal Government.

• The office of the President or Prime Minister of the Federal Republic shall rotate among the six Zones in turn.
• Ditto for State within a zone.

18. THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC) AND THE CHALLENGES OF CONDUCTING FREE AND FAIR ELECTION

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the challenges of conducting free & fair elections should remain a fundamental agenda of the Federation. This is important for enhancing Nigeria’s credibility in the contemporary world.

19. POPULATION AND CREDIBLE NATIONAL CENSUS

1. That, for effective national planning and statistical development, there is an urgent need for a more accurate National Population Census;
2. That, the next census must be conducted, using the latest technology tools that include the use of basic biometric data;
3. That, all the basic census data and characteristics of population measurements including state of origin, ethnic group, religious affiliation, gender, age, occupation and other vital information that make for effective, scientific and demographic analysis should be deployed to ensure accurate and unbiased head count;
4. That, our next census must be conducted in line with the international best practices.

20. LAND USE ACT

The present Land Use Act should be abrogated and land returned to the original owners.

 

21. ROLE OF TRADITIONAL RULERS AND INSTITUTION IN GOVERNANCE AT NATIONAL AND LOCAL LEVELS

Constitutional recognition should be given to the Roles of Traditional Rulers in governance. Provision should be made for the establishment of State Council of Traditional Rulers as an Advisor Body in all the States/Zones.

 

22. THE ECONOMY

Very serious emphasis should be laid on

a. Poverty and Wealth Creation: Poverty alleviation and Wealth Creation.

b. Productivity: Productivity in all sectors of the economy.

c. Diversification of the economy: Diversification of the economy.

d. Industries and Industrialization: Industries and Industrialization.

 

23. OIL AND OTHER MINERAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT, EXPLORATION AND SHARING MECHANISM

1. An increase in the weighting to the derivation factor to 50%;

1. That, the amount to be retained by the central (Federal) Government be drastically trimmed down based on a thorough study of the financial requirement for accomplishing its reduced function: that the balance thereafter be shared equal between the six regions.
2. That, the formula for sharing revenue within the region shall be the same as recommended for the central (Federal) governments or states that are environmentally impacted by the resource exploitation.
3. That, ownership of resources must be by the areas where there are located. Most importantly, these recommendations will reduce the ‘CAKE-SHARING MENTALITY’ in Nigeria and lead to faster growth and development of the Nigerian economy by encoring productivity and exploitation of the vast national resources of each of the six regions of Nigeria.
4. Management of oil blocks should not be allocated to private individuals since it is a natural resources which no individual is personally entitled to. If an oil block must be allocated, it should be to States or communities.

 

24. REVENUE GENERATION AND MOBILIZATION

i. That, the federating regions shall have adequate control over their resources.

ii. That, the sharing formula for the recourses between the Regions and the Federal Government shall be as reflected in Section 140(c) of the 1963 Constitution.

iii. Other recommendations as contained in the proposed fiscal federalism enunciated above shall apply.

 

25. NATIONAL YOUTH SERVICE CORPS (NYSC)

The South East believes that the ideals of the founders of The National Youth Service Corps have been blithed and obliterated by the many lawless and violent crisis taking place in various parts of the country, which endanger the safety and well-being of Youth Corp members.

However, the realization that the youths are valuable tools in the growth and development of our country makes it imperative that the Scheme be retained, and that host communities be compelled, by law, to protect the lives and properties of Youth Corp members.

26. GENDER ISSUES

Provisions should be made in the Constitution to Recognize and utilize the talents of Women and Special groups such as the Youths, the Aged, Physically Challenged and Ethnic minorities.

The South East recognizes the under-representation of Women in government positions, especially in the National Assembly, presenting a gender disparity that ranks high in the world index of gender inequality. Therefore, recommends that Affirmative Action be adopted in our new laws and constitution to bring about gender parity, and to also institute through an electoral law or act, provisions that empower women and the disabled, to be accommodated in the political process participation.

 

27. YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND DEVELOPMENT ISSUES

This should be seen as the root of much of the socio-economic and political problems of the Nation, such as kidnapping, terrorism, etc. Therefore, attempts must be intensified for massive provision of jobs for the youths and for youths Empowerment Schemes.

 

28. PHYSICALLY CHALLENGED PERSONS

There should be National/Zonal/State Ministries to cater for the needs of the physically challenged.

 

29. INVESTMENT IN SPORTS

Government should increase its investment and also encourage private sectors to sponsor sports

 

30. BOUNDARY ADJUSTMENT

The National Boundary Commission should be encouraged to resolve and settle, amicably, all boundary disputes between Communities and States, most especially, the dispute between Communities in Abia State and Akwa Ibom State. In this case, the twenty one (21) villages of Ukwa and other villages of Itumbauzo in Bende Local Government Area, and those in Arochukwu Local Government Area that were wrongfully assigned to Rivers and Akwa Ibom States respectively by the Justice Nasir Boundary Panel in 1976, should be returned to Abia State, not only to reunite kits and kin, but also to boost the economy of the State, and propagate economic development.

The South East demands that all lands belonging to Anambra, Ebonyi, Imo and Enugu States, ceded to other States, be promptly returned to the original rightful owners.

 

31. NATIONAL INLAND WATERWAYS ISSUES

With over 800KM of coastline and inland waterways in Nigeria, policy must be put in place to guide usage, passages and operation. Emphasis should be on permit for the private sector. The South East deserves the establishment of Inland Ports and Sea Ports in Abia, Anambra and Imo States to boost the economy of the areas.

32. ELECTIVE MAYORALTY ADMINISTRATIVE/LEGISLATIVE STRUCTURES FOR FCT, ABUJA

Appointment of FCT Minister should reflect the Federal Character and should rotate among the Zones in the Country.

 

33. SPECIAL STATUS FOR LAGOS

The South East position is that if Lagos is to be accorded any special status, that Enugu and Port Harcourt be also designated and fully developed as special cities because of their historical and economic contributions to the development of Nigeria.

 

34. UNSETTLED ISSUES OF THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR (1967 – 1970)

We seek reparation, compensation and genuine integration of our people in all its ramification, and in the true spirit of “No Victor, No Vanquished”.

The South East and the Igbo position is that Compensation and Reparation for properties seized or destroyed in various parts of the country during and after the Civil War, be made to the owners. We also demand for reparation and compensation for properties destroyed, and persons killed or maimed all over Nigeria, especially in the Northern parts of Nigeria, as a result of the civil disturbances, including but not limited to the current Boko Haram insurgency.

35. REVISING BAKASSI

a. We support the right of Bakassi people to have a homeland of their own;

b. The Federal Government should take all appropriate actions to recover Bakassi, and where failing, pay adequate compensation to the inhabitants of Bakassi.

 

36. LANGUAGE AND LANGUAGE POLICY

Government at all levels should promote the study, research and use of indigenous languages.

 

37. PENSION MATTERS AND RIGHT OF SENIOR CITIZENS

Legislation should mandatorily be made to provide for payment of all benefits to senior citizens. This should be diligently looked into by ALL tiers of Government.

 

38. FEDERAL CHARACTER

a. The Federal Character Principle be regarded as a stop gap/temporary measure which shall be done away with after a time as it does not promote merit, industry and productivity.

b. While still in force, its implementation shall be made to be fair to all concerned and should be applicable to all public institutions including the police, military, paramilitary, the Civil Service, etc.;

c. It should not be restricted to manpower alone, but be expanded to include project citing, budgeting and execution.

CRITICAL ISSUES

 

1. THE DESTINY OF 50 – 60 MILLION IGBOS

The Igbos are obviously the most populous ethnic group in Nigeria, with significant presence in all States of the Federation. The Igbos, if left to form their own nation, will be the 5^th largest country in Africa, population wise (greater in population than South Africa, Ghana, Sudan, Tanzania, Cameroon, Cote D’Ivoire, Libya and a host of others. The Igbos are greater than the entire populations of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, The Netherlands, Finland, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia put together.

The above incontrovertible facts notwithstanding, Ndi Igbo are resolved to remain in our country Nigeria and to dissuade any group from any thought or actions directed toward the balkanization or destabilization of Nigeria, AS LONG AS EQUITY, FAIRNESS, JUSTICE AND PEACE ARE GUARANTEED to all its citizens.

 

2. NIGERIA’S ECONOMY AND NDIGBO

 

The global competitiveness of Nigeria’s economy is challenged by problems of good governance and corruption. The economy with its huge potentials is suffering from capability to deliver growth. Despite the informed nature of the economy it is burdened with high cost of doing business, which result to low productivity, with diverse and adverse devastation to the Igbos who are principally commerce oriented and entrepreneurs.

 

With a growth trend as low as 3.4 percent points over the last 30 years, there has been considerable idle capacity resulting in low capacity utilization and very high level of unemployment.

 

Good governance and effective tackling of corruption is a sine qua non for making progress on growth and human development in Nigeria. Good governance is highly critical for attracting investment resources and in ensuring that these resources are used much more efficiently to deliver growth and development. While good governance is important in both public and private sectors, public sector governance is key determinant of efficiency and effectiveness of public resource use. Ndi Igbo desire good governance as an instrument of equitable economic growth.

Both the public and private sectors being so closely linked in Nigeria must provide the platform for good governance and transparency. Ndi Igbo canvass a strong entrenchment of these values in the body politic of Nigeria.

 

The development challenges of Nigeria lay in building a competitive economy that generates and sustains broad based rapid growth as well as create jobs at livable wages to match the growing number of new entrants into labor market, therefore, concurrently providing improvement in access to quality of basic social services and life.

 

Ndi Igbo believe very strongly that in order for the country’s economic development to generate conditions that will assuage the long suffering of the Igbos, the challenges enumerated above, as well as the recognition and embracement of the ingenuity of Ndi Igbo, must be adopted, for the revival of creative juices and sense of enterprise.

 

3. SECURITY

One of the core problems of the people of the South East, concern the chronic insecurity of life and property that began with the pogroms of the 1950s. The South East people are painfully back to the acute insecurity problems of 1966 – 1967, and the civil war years of 1967 – 1970. Since the end of the civil war in 1970, as in the 1950s and 1960s before the war, South East people have put their faith and security in the Federal Government of Nigeria. In fact before the civil war, the entire Region had Regional police forces, except the Eastern Region, which relied only on the Nigerian Police Force. Today, events in some parts of the country have taken the violence score high, and the consequent insecurity of life and property of our people in many parts of Nigeria, needs to be urgently addressed by the Federal Government.

 

It is important to note that in every state throughout the federation the Igbos are second only to the indigenes as investors and contributors to the economic activities of the State. The story is not different in some other countries in Africa, from Cameroun to Gabon, etc. yet in these foreign countries the South East People safely go about their business without being made victims of pogroms, suicide bombings or checkpoint ambushes as all too frequently happening in Nigeria, their Fatherland. Obviously such anachronistic anomalies against the South East people and other ethnic nationalities in Nigeria must be resolved in the interest of peace, national unity, progress and development.

 

The right to life and property is a right, not a privilege, and this right must be guaranteed to every law-abiding citizen of the country.

 

For Ndi Igbo, therefore, and for other similarly affected Nigerians, security of life and property as a citizenship right in Nigeria, no matter the place of work or residence in the country, is an issue that cannot, and must not be avoided or glossed over at the National Conference.

 

4. POLITICAL RESTRUCTURING

The greatest political problem facing Nigeria today is the challenge of national survival due to the challenges of its present political structure and the inadequacies of related institutions. Recognizing these challenges the former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, is reported to have advised that the situation “calls for sober reflection,” and that “it is late to redefine and reform the country”. Indeed there are signs everywhere that Nigerians do not wish to be “ruled” or governed any longer in the old ways, and that the only way out, is a commitment to genuine change – a change that should begin with the restructuring of the political and economic framework of the nation.

The restructuring would take the nation to true federalism and complete the process of demilitarization by consolidating the civilianization of the country’s politics, as well as, enthrone genuine democracy and democratic norms in Nigeria, in theory and practice.

So far, defective political and economic structures have evidently made good governance in Nigeria very difficult. They have also made the emergence of effective national leadership equally difficult. And, undoubtedly, they are contributive factors to the constant peril of disintegrative tendencies in Nigerian society. Indeed, it is imperative to go back to the drawing board to redesign, redefine and re-order Nigeria for the benefit of all its citizens, and for its growth and genuine development.

 

5. FISCAL FEDERALISM

The issue of fiscal federalism or true federalism is equally important for the South-East zone. Before the civil war, revenue sharing and the principle of derivation in Nigeria followed the known practice and patterns in federation and federal systems of government worldwide, from Switzerland to Canada and the United State of America to Australia, etc.

 

6. RELIGION

On the issue of religion, the South East people support and strongly recommend that the secularity of all Nigerian State must be enforced on all who remain in it as part and citizens thereof. It will continue to be the duty of the Federal Government in accordance with the constitution to preserve, protect and defend Nigeria’s secular status as well as take action against any attempt to violet the secularity and the religious neutrality of the Nigeria State as constitutionally designed. It must be recognized and appreciated by all Nigerians that any violation of the character of the State in its religious aspect has the potentiality of endangering the survival of the constitution of the nation.

 

7. THE NATIONALITY QUESTION

In fact, what Nigeria needs now is a “people’s constitution” rather than the perennial and endless constitutional amendments that have become a routine with every regime or administration in the country. As we know, tinkering with the Nigerian constitution has been on since Ironsi and his unification decree of 1966. This tinkering continued with Gowon (1966 – 1975), Murtala Mohammed and Obasanjo (1975 – 1979), and Abdusalami Abubakar (1998 – 1999). The latter, of course produced the current constitution, which every administration thereafter has tried to amend.

 

Obviously, there are certain issues in the constitution which cannot be satisfactorily decided and resolved without “we-the-people’s” input and resolve, e.g. the nationality and citizenship question, including the issue of residence and the right of citizens from one part of the country to another. This is of particular importance to the South East because our people are everywhere in Nigeria as businessmen and women, traders, teachers, artisans, public servants, investors, professionals, etc. It is quite well established that in all major cities of Nigeria outside Igbo land, the second largest national group after the national group after the indigenes would be Igbos. In some places Igbos constitute 10% to 40% or more of the population. Therefore, the national conference is a good platform for Ndi Igbo to bring up the issues, not only with regards to ourselves alone, but also with regards to other similarly dispersed and affected ethnic “nationalities”, seriously affected by the “settler-indigene” and citizenship controversy.

 

Today every ethnic nationality or group in Nigeria is something of a problem to the country’s achievement of cohesive nationhood. So it is important that now that the country is at a delicate “touch-and-go” stage of national evolution, the very fundamental issue of the rights, privileges and scope of Nigerian citizenship be clarified. There is no doubt that the failure of the Soviet Union to deal successfully with its nationality question after 73 years led to the collapse of the Union. In Nigerian politics of “outrageous paradox” dominated by political elites engaged in deadly competition and conflicts of hostile subcultures, national unity without a consensus on national core values is a “mission impossible”.

 

8. POLITICAL MARGINALIZATION

A dispassionate analysis of the plight of the South East zone in contemporary Nigeria clearly shows evidence of deliberate political marginalization. This is evident from boundary adjustments to state creation; from infrastructure investment to general resources allocation, and so on. The South East is rising up to these challenges and insisting on justice, equity and fairness for all.

Some analysis have stated that the continued marginalization of the South East people up to the present time, forty-four years after the Nigerian civil war, has to do with the unrested ghost of the civil war that still haunt the country and some of its leaders. Others believe that the marginalization is designed, orchestrated and perpetrated by some politicians and political leaders within and outside the country who want to humiliate the South East people in the wake of their losing the civil war.

Hence, despite high economic index of the South East zone with a large population inhabiting such a highly geographically challenging area, with constant erosion, the military by the stroke of a pen allotted just five states and ninety-five (95) Local Governments. And in contrast, seven states and one hundred and eighty-five (185) Local Governments in the North Western zone. Today, the South East zone and its people are currently treated like a minority enclave, with little or no political/economic clout in the Nigerian Federation, hence their exclusion from the highest national decision making position in Government and related economic development issues.

 

CONCLUSION

It has become very obvious that the transformation and restructuring of Nigeria is not achievable and feasible under the present Nigerian constitution and political arrangement.

Therefore, for peace, security, prosperity, progress, development and general social and economic advancement to thrive in Nigeria, the positions being canvased by the South East and Ndi Igbo should be adopted and implemented.

The South East and Ndi Igbo believe that the Nigerian Political Class should show absolute commitment to changing our constitution, as we contend that the country needs institutional and attitudinal changes in order to meet the challenges of peace and good governance.

We believe that in order to achieve a sustainable democratic polity and national development, we as a people must imbibe a democratic culture of mutual respect, tolerance, accommodation and hard work. And that above all, agree to enshrine the values of justice, fairness and equity, as guides of all our actions and activities.

Our people do not see us or our positions as the only solution to Nigeria’s myriads of problems, but believe, that as we embrace the reality and fact that our past, present and future, as courageous as they have been in our contributions to the development of Nigeria, give HOPE to the future generation; that their lives would be much brighter and better than ours.

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

We acknowledge the contributions of the following, who made the setup of the Secretariat possible, and also the production of this memorandum feasible and possible:

1. His Excellency, Chief (Dr.) T. A. Orji The Chairman of the South East Governors Forum.
2. His Excellencies, Governors Willie Obiano, Martin Elechi, Sullivan Chime, Rochas Okorocha.
3. The Position of Ohanaeze Ndi Igbo led by the President, General, Chief Gary Enwo-Igariwey.
4. The Igbo Leaders of Thought, led by Professor Ben Nwabueze.
5. Ndi Igbo Lagos, led by Professor Anya O. Anya.
6. Aka Ikenga, led by Chief Goddy Uwazurike.
7. Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo States Report and Position
8. Southern Nigeria Peoples Assembly.

The following scholars, policy analysts, and patriots contributed in no small measure, to the success of this presentation.

1. Senator Adolphus Wabara
2. Professor A.B.C. Nwosu
3. Professor I. C. Madubuike
4. Iyom Josephine Anenih
5. Senator Azu Agboti
6. Rt. (Hon) Anayo Nnebe
7. Senator Ben Obi
8. Mr. Frank Nweke, II
9. Prince Arthur Eze
10. Chief Vincent A. Obianodo, and Staff of Rockview Hotel
11. Chief Sab Ejimofor, and Staff of Protea Hotel
12. Monsignor Obiora Ike
13. Dr. Ibe Kachikwu
14. Chief Ben Okoye.
15. Chief Chuku Wachuku
16. Chief Chidinma Uwajumogu
17. Dr. (Mrs) Adaeze Nwuzor
18. Dr. Chukwuemeka Ezeife
19. Dr. Dozie Ikedife
20. Dr. Sam Egwu
21. Dr. Ezekiel Izuogu
22. Senator Ken Nnamani
23. Senator Nnamdi Eriobuna
24. Dame Virgi Etiaba
25. Dr. Isawa Elaigwu
26. Mrs. Ezinwa Okoroafor
27. Chief (Barr) Dan Nwanyanwu
28. Chief Bob Njemanze
29. Dr. Joe Nwaorgu
30. Chief Jim Nwobodo
31. Engr. Ebele Okeke
32. Mrs. Victoria Akanwa
33. House 40 Club, Abuja.

 

Also acknowledged are other members of the South East Delegates to the Conference who through their efforts and support, contributed to the drafting of this document, and various individuals and groups who by their numerous publications, articles and speeches, courageously expressed the wishes and aspirations of the people of the South East and Ndi Igbo wherever they may reside.

Finally, we salute the service and courage of:

• Senator (General) Ike Nwachukwu,
• Professor George Obiozor,
• Dr. Okey Anueyiagu,
• Dr. Greg Ibe,

and members of the Secretariat, Prof. Onyema Ocheoha, Mr. Ernest Onuoha, Mr. Okey Nwanna, Mr. Okey Anawana, Mr. George Aku, Mr. Ekuma Joseph Egwu, Mr. Alphonsus E. Ogodo, Mr. Gift Okere Nnanna, Mr. Ikenna Onyeije Kalu, and others who spent sleepless nights working and ensuring that the Igbo position will chart a course, and safeguard the future of all Igbo citizens, and preserve the health of the Nigeria Federation.

 

Amb. (Prof) George Obiozor Dr. Okey Anueyiagu

Coordinator Lead Consultant